Introduction
This article analyzes Xi Jinping's doctrine as a comprehensive project to construct a civilization-state. The author argues that the Chinese vision integrates technology, security, and control into a single, cohesive organism.
The reader will discover how China is redefining sovereignty through self-reliance and how it seeks to replace Western liberal universalism with a new great-power order. This is an analysis of the clash between two divergent worldviews and the role of the individual within the state.
Holistic Security as Total Systemic Resilience
Holistic national security is a concept in which security is not merely the domain of the military, but rather the state of the entire nation. It encompasses political, economic, cyber, biological, and food spheres.
The primary priority is political security, meaning the maintenance of the Party's power. Under this doctrine, any criticism of the system can be interpreted as a threat to national stability. Human security and economic development are inextricably linked here.
An example is the treatment of food security as an element of sovereignty. China strives for full control over seed resources and land to avoid dependence on external markets during crisis situations.
The Military as the Armed Wing of the Party-State Project
The modernization of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) aims to transform it into a tool for securing the nation's future by 2027. This is not a mere technical program, but an element of China's great national rejuvenation.
The nature of this reform is based on absolute loyalty to the Party. In contrast to Western civilian control, the army here serves as the direct political arm of the party-state project.
Modern military power relies on technological autonomy. Investments in AI, quantum communication, and drones are intended to ensure superiority in future conflicts, which will be clashes of cognitive systems.
Territorial Integrity as the Foundation of National Rejuvenation
Territorial integrity is a prerequisite for ending the so-called 'century of humiliation.' In the case of Hong Kong and Macau, the key requirement is that they be governed by patriots—individuals loyal to the central government.
The issue of Taiwan is eschatological in nature; the unification of the island with China is viewed as a symbol of the superpower's full rejuvenation. This dispute combines aspects of sovereignty, technology (semiconductors), and the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.
For Europe and Poland, the lesson from this approach is the understanding that security is a system of interconnected vessels. The lack of an independent industrial or energy strategy renders a state vulnerable to great-power blackmail.
Conclusion
Xi Jinping's doctrine is a synthesis of imperial tradition, Marxism, and technocracy. It creates a model of an efficacious state that may tempt the Global South with the promise of development without liberalization.
The real challenge for the West is to build a good state—one that combines strategic strength with the protection of individual dignity. We must create an alternative in which the human being remains a subject, rather than merely an optimized resource of a superpower.
Frequently Asked Questions
What does the concept of holistic national security mean in Xi Jinping's doctrine?
Holistic national security is a concept that treats security as the state of the entire nation, encompassing political, economic, social, cyber, biological, and food spheres. Its highest priority is political security—namely, the maintenance of power and the political system—which are inextricably linked to economic development as well as technological and resource self-sufficiency.
1. What is the purpose and character of the modernization of the Chinese People's Liberation Army within Xi Jinping's doctrine?
2. The goal of the PLA modernization is to achieve, by 2027, comprehensive technological and structural development that will enable winning modern conflicts while maintaining absolute loyalty to the Party. The army is to become an integrated, digital tool securing the nation's future, managed based on law and strict party control.
3. How does Xi Jinping's doctrine define the issue of territorial integrity in relation to Hong Kong and Taiwan?
4. Regarding Hong Kong, territorial integrity is based on the 'one country, two systems' principle, where stability depends on the rule of patriots loyal to China's sovereignty and the center. In the case of Taiwan, reunification is seen as an inevitable historical trend and a necessary condition for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, while simultaneously condemning separatism and the interference of external forces.
5. Why is the issue of Taiwan crucial to Xi Jinping's doctrine, and what can Europe learn from the Chinese approach to security?
6. Taiwan is crucial to Xi Jinping's doctrine as a symbol of China's great rejuvenation and a test of the Middle Kingdom's return to its historical position. Europe can draw a lesson from the Chinese approach regarding holistic security, in which the army, economy, technology, energy, and food form a system of interconnected vessels.
7. What is the Chinese concept of a community with a shared future, and what are its goals on a global scale?
8. The Chinese concept of a community with a shared future is a proposal for an alternative world order based on the belief that humanity constitutes one integrated community. Its goal is to build a pluralistic and inclusive system that rejects hegemony and Cold War divisions in favor of the coexistence of different civilizations and development models.
9. In what way do China undermine the Western model of modernization, and what arguments do they use in relations with the states of the Global South?
10. China undermines the Western model of modernization by claiming that there is no single path to development or universal pattern of democracy, and that every nation has the right to choose its own path. In relations with the Global South, they employ arguments of sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, offering infrastructural and financial support without imposing a specific political system.
What is the Chinese vision of multilateralism in practice, and how does it relate to the Western world order?
The Chinese vision of multilateralism is based on the central role of the UN, international law, and a state-centric model, rejecting the dictate of a few powers. It constitutes a direct attack on the Western "rules-based order," which Beijing interprets as a system created by the West and applied selectively.
How is Xi Jinping's doctrine implemented in practice, and what does the Chinese vision of a 'shared future' mean for the global balance of power?
Xi Jinping's doctrine is implemented through specific mechanisms such as infrastructure development (ports, railways), loans, technological standards, and training programs. In practice, the Chinese vision of a "shared future" means building networks of dependency and influence, allowing China to shape the global balance of power by controlling the flow of data, goods, and capital.
Why is the Chinese proposal for a new world order a real threat to the West, and what should Poland do in this regard?
The Chinese proposal is a threat because it seeks to change global rules to achieve dominance and seize a monopoly over the definitions of world order. Poland should conduct its own sovereign analysis, defend democratic freedoms, and build its own strategy in the areas of technology, security, science, and institutions.
Who is Xi Jinping in the context of Chinese governing tradition, and what does his doctrine consist of?
Xi Jinping is presented as a modern mandarin and party emperor, representing a synthesis of imperial and mandarin traditions, the experience of the century of humiliation, the communist revolution, Deng Xiaoping's pragmatism, and digital technologies. His doctrine is a hybrid combination of Marxism with Chinese culture and history, aimed at building a civilization-state.
How do the individual elements of Xi Jinping's strategy merge into a whole, and what is the ultimate goal of this project?
The elements of Xi Jinping's strategy are complementary and tied together in a single narrative, whose central promise is the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The ultimate goal of the project is the realization of the Second Centenary Goal: transforming China by 2049 into a prosperous, strong, and modern socialist state.
How are China building its influence in the world and what are the risks associated with Xi Jinping's development model?
China builds influence by providing infrastructure, loans, technology, and exporting administrative patterns and development narratives without liberalization. The risks associated with Xi Jinping's model include a lack of political freedom, the arbitrariness of power, precise technological surveillance of society, and an excessive dependence of state strategy on a single interpretive center.
Do Chinese political terms such as "democracy" or "rule of law" mean the same thing as they do in the Western world?
No, Chinese political terms have different meanings than in the West and are embedded within the framework of the Party's leading role. For example, "democracy" refers to consultation and governance efficiency, while "rule of law" means law as a tool for organizing the state under the leadership of the Party.
What can Poland and the West learn from Xi Jinping's model without adopting its authoritarian form?
Poland and the West can learn the need to have their own doctrine and the ability for long-term planning and combining diverse resources, competencies, and narratives. However, it is crucial to achieve this effectiveness within a liberal model, preserving pluralism and human dignity, and without employing authoritarian centralism.
Could China's pursuit of biotechnological self-sufficiency and the lack of Western ethical constraints give them a strategic advantage over the rest of the world?
There is a hypothesis that China could gain a civilizational advantage by striving for self-sufficiency in biotechnology and brain sciences while bypassing certain humanistic resistances. Such a strategy raises concerns that progress may be achieved at the expense of human dignity, privacy, and autonomy.
How do Chinese state doctrine and superpower ambitions influence their approach to bioethics and the development of neuro- and biotechnologies?
Chinese doctrine views the individual as an element of the state organism, which, in the face of superpower ambitions and technological competition, increases the temptation to treat humans instrumentally. This leads to a risk of shifting bioethical boundaries, where the development of neuro- and biotechnology may serve not only therapy but also strategic goals such as social control, disciplining citizens, or population optimization.
Can the lack of ethics in science and biotechnology actually give a state a lasting advantage over others?
A lack of ethics in science and biotechnology may bring short-term procedural and experimental gains, but in the long run, it destroys the foundations of scientific credibility and essential social trust. Knowledge devoid of ethics allows for speed of action, but this is not synonymous with actual progress.
What threats does modern data-driven administration pose, and how can one defend against them?
The main threat is the gradual expansion of the purposes for which data (e.g., health or genetic data) are used, leading to the reduction of a human being to a function, an algorithm, or a strategic resource, and enabling precise control over society as an organism. The defense against these processes is European personalism, which recognizes the dignity of the person as paramount over their utility and the right not to be reduced to data.
How should one build modern technological and strategic power without becoming an inhuman and technocratic system?
One must build a strategic and technological state that treats the human being as a subject, rather than raw material or a tool of utility. This requires adopting a development model based on ethics as the architecture of responsible advantage, as well as the moral courage to limit one's own technical capabilities in order to protect the dignity of the person.
What can Poland learn from Xi Jinping's management model without copying his ideology?
Poland can learn the necessity of creating its own doctrine and state horizon to replace scattered sectoral policies with a coherent civilizational project. It is crucial to develop long-term plans in the areas of technology, industry, and security to avoid dependence on others' decisions and solutions.
What specific conclusions and lessons from the Chinese management model can be adapted to build a strong and effective state in Poland?
Poland should strive for technological sovereignty in key areas and protect the time of scientists by moving away from bureaucratic evaluation toward real breakthroughs. It is essential to oversee capital in the name of the common good, reduce regional and social inequalities, and treat ecology as a strategic national asset. Security should be understood holistically (including energy and food), and the law should be a real tool for protecting the citizen against the more powerful.
What ethical threats does the Chinese model of integrating science, medicine, and state control entail?
The Chinese model of integrating science, medicine, and state strategy raises questions about the boundaries of experimentation and the instrumentalization of the individual. The primary ethical threat is the risk of reducing the human being to a resource.
What should the Polish response to the Chinese model of state governance look like in order to be effective but not authoritarian?
The Polish response should be based on the concept of the 'good state,' which is strong and strategic, but not omnipotent. Such a model combines technological sovereignty and long-term planning with personalism, which protects human dignity from authoritarian abuse and the treatment of people as resources.
What should be the response of Poland and Europe to Xi Jinping's comprehensive superpower project?
The response should be the doctrine of the good state, in which institutions and technology serve human dignity and the community, rather than the power of the ruling apparatus. Poland and Europe must counter the Chinese model with their own strategic and democratic coherence, building a strong 'backbone' of institutions, law, and science.
How should democratic states react to Xi Jinping's comprehensive doctrine to avoid falling into either helplessness or authoritarianism?
Democratic states should reject both fascination with and contempt for the Chinese model, relying instead on a reliable analysis of this doctrine. The response should be the construction of a strategic, effective, and technological state that nevertheless remains personalistic, pluralistic, and limited by law. It is crucial to adopt a strategy of long-term planning and to strengthen real infrastructural and competency capabilities.
What should the Polish doctrine of the good state look like in opposition to the Chinese model?
The Polish doctrine of the good state reverses the Chinese hierarchy, placing the protection of the individual and the community above the interests of the state. In contrast to the Chinese model, where the individual serves the community and the Party, here it is the state that finds its purpose in serving the human being and their dignity.
What should be Poland's strategic response to Xi Jinping's great-power ambitions and doctrine?
Poland's strategic response should consist of building its own doctrine of a 'good state' that is effective, competent, and organized. Poland must become a host state that leverages its potential to protect its citizens and develop technologies based on ethics, law, and freedom.
