Restaurant-style national populism and the crisis of power legitimacy in the United States in light of Richard Slotkin's analysis

• • 🇵🇱 Polski

The article analyzes the MAGA movement not as a simple radicalization of the right, but as a modern synthesis of national populism and restorationist politics. The author posits that this movement has reconfigured American identity myths, shifting the center of gravity from Reaganite market universalism toward economic nationalism and the concept of 'selective strong power.' A key element of this transformation is the personalization of leadership, in which the leader's charisma becomes more important than institutional procedures. The analysis concludes that this paradigm shift has led to a fundamental crisis of legitimacy: the dispute over political programs has evolved into a conflict over the recognition of the validity of the power transfer mechanism itself. In this context, the events of 2020 and 2021 are interpreted as a stress test for the system, in which 'losers' consent' ceases to be an obvious foundation of stability and becomes a subject of political negotiation. The text warns against the process of axiological sectionalization of the state, where citizenship begins to be defined by conflicting value models depending on state jurisdiction.

Restaurant-style national populism and the crisis of power legitimacy in the United States in light of Richard Slotkin's analysis

Introduction

This article analyzes the MAGA movement as a modern synthesis of national populism and restorationist politics. The text examines how the reconfiguration of American identity myths has impacted the stability of the state.

The reader will discover why programmatic disputes have evolved into a profound crisis of legitimacy. This analysis demonstrates a transition from political rivalry to a conflict over the recognition of democratic procedures themselves.

MAGA as a Synthesis of Conservatism and National Populism

The MAGA movement is not a simple radicalization of the right, but rather a recombination of conservative elements with new components. It differs from traditional Reaganite conservatism by moving away from market universalism in favor of protectionism and a strong personalization of leadership.

Ideologically, it represents restorationist national populism. It combines the divide between 'the people' and 'the elites' with the conviction that America has lost its former greatness. An example is the slogan Make America Great Again, which serves as an aggregating symbol for various voter frustrations.

Populism as a Tool for Selective Strong Power

MAGA does not seek to minimize the state, but rather pursues a concept of selective strong power. The state is intended to be weak in terms of economic regulation, yet ruthlessly strong regarding borders and security.

Donald Trump's legitimacy is based on charisma and the image of the leader as the only capable fixer of the system. His relationship with institutions is strained; the leader positions himself as the spokesperson for the people against the establishment, shifting the weight of power from procedures to personal effectiveness.

Economic Nationalism as the Subordination of the Market to the Community

The MAGA economic approach rejects Reaganite free-market internationalism. Here, the market is subordinated to the national interest, manifested in the application of tariffs and the criticism of bad trade deals.

Unlike Reagan, who believed in global liberalization, the MAGA movement emphasizes the reshoring of factories and the protection of domestic workers. This is a redefinition of capitalism, where the profit motive yields to national power and economic sovereignty.

Conclusion

The crisis of the losers' consensus following the 2020 election shows that procedure has ceased to produce a shared political reality. When defeat is interpreted as fraud, the system loses its ability to resolve conflicts.

If loyalty to a myth replaces the recognition of an opponent's right to victory, the US may enter a phase of axiological sectionalism. The state will not collapse violently, but rather slowly bleed out through a division into two distinct worlds of understanding freedom and law.

📚 Based on

A Great Disorder Battle for America

👤 About the book's author

Richard Slotkin

Wesleyan University

Richard Sidney Slotkin (born November 8, 1942) is an American cultural historian, author, and cultural critic. He is the Olin Professor of English and American Studies, Emeritus, at Wesleyan University, where he taught for over four decades and helped establish programs in American Studies and Film Studies. A leading scholar of American mythology, Slotkin is renowned for his monumental trilogy exploring the myth of the American frontier: Regeneration Through Violence (1973), The Fatal Environment (1985), and Gunfighter Nation (1992). His scholarship examines how national myths, particularly the frontier and racial violence, have shaped American culture, political identity, and popular literature and film. A member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Slotkin was a finalist for the National Book Award and received the Albert J. Beveridge Award from the American Historical Association.

Mind map: Restorative National Populism and the Crisis of Power Legitimacy in the USA

📖 Glossary

Losers' consent
Zdolność przegranej strony w wyborach do uznania prawomocności zwycięstwa przeciwnika, mimo głębokiego niezadowolenia z jego programu.
Epistemiczne domknięcie
Mechanizm psychologiczny, w którym osoba odrzuca wszelkie dowody sprzeczne z jej przekonaniami, uznając źródła tych informacji za niewiarygodne.
Doktryna Palladium
Przekonanie, że prawo do posiadania broni jest ostatecznym zabezpieczeniem wszystkich innych wolności obywatelskich przed potencjalną tyranią.
Sekcjonalizacja aksjologiczna
Proces, w którym poszczególne regiony (stany) przyjmują radykalnie odmienne systemy wartości i modele prawnego obywatelstwa w ramach jednego państwa.
Elite cueing
Zjawisko polegania wyborców na wskazówkach i opiniach liderów politycznych, których ufają, zamiast samodzielnej analizy danych technicznych czy prawnych.
Natywizm
Przekonanie w politologii, że państwo powinno należeć przede wszystkim do grupy uznanej za rdzennie narodową, a obce wpływy stanowią zagrożenie.

Frequently Asked Questions

What exactly is the MAGA movement and how does it differ from traditional Reaganite conservatism?
The MAGA movement is a synthesis of traditional right-wing elements with trade protectionism, restrictive migration policy, and strong personalization of leadership. In contrast to Reaganite conservatism, which assumed the unleashing of the nation's unfettered energy, MAGA is based on the idea of reclaiming the lost position of a state that has lost its ability to win.
How does the MAGA movement define its relationship with state institutions, and on what does it base the legitimacy of Trump's leadership?
The MAGA movement defines its relationship with the state as a doctrine of selective strong power, seeking to limit regulations that hinder entrepreneurship while advocating for decisive state action in the areas of security, borders, and trade. The legitimacy of Trump's leadership is based on his personal effectiveness and charisma, as well as the belief among supporters that his knowledge of the system's mechanisms enables him to fix institutions that have proven ineffective.
How does the economic approach of the MAGA movement differ from traditional Reaganite conservatism?
The MAGA movement moves away from Reaganite free-market universalism and trade liberalization in favor of protectionism and economic nationalism. Unlike traditional conservatism, this approach subordinates the market to the category of the national community, placing greater emphasis on the localization of production, worker citizenship, and the strengthening of national power.
How does science distinguish between the analytical study of authoritarian and nativist attitudes within the MAGA movement and the use of these terms as epithets?
Science treats authoritarianism and nativism as measurement and analytical constructs used to study population patterns and specific beliefs, rather than as clinical personality descriptions or insults. This distinction lies in the application of precise theoretical definitions and research criteria instead of using these terms as labels for individuals.
What role does the right to bear arms play in the MAGA movement, and how has it been institutionally secured?
In the MAGA movement, the right to bear arms is seen as the ultimate safeguard of all liberties and a tool of resistance against tyranny, which Trump linked to the identity of his coalition. Institutionally, this was secured through the strategic appointment of three Supreme Court justices: Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett.
Where is the line between the constitutional right to resist tyranny and the populist rejection of democratic procedures and pluralism?
This line is drawn at the point where opposition to power ceases to be constitutional opposition and becomes a refusal to recognize shared procedures. The problem arises particularly when political pluralism is questioned, and legal opposition begins to be treated as inherently illegitimate.
To what extent does the MAGA movement continue Reagan's policies, and at what point does it completely reject them?
The MAGA movement selectively inherits from Reaganism a belief in entrepreneurship, deregulation, low business taxes, and conservative judicial appointments. At the same time, it rejects or weakens the previous consensus regarding trade liberalization, openness to migration, and the stability of the post-war alliance system.
How does a sense of grievance translate into support for MAGA, and can this movement be unequivocally identified with historical confederationism or fascism?
A sense of grievance translates into support for MAGA when social change is interpreted as an unfair loss of position and influence, and other groups of citizens are blamed. This movement cannot be unequivocally identified with historical confederationism or fascism; the similarity to the Confederate myth concerns only the narrative structure of restoring order, while classification as fascism would require an analysis of a broader set of characteristics than populism or nationalism alone.
What exactly is the MAGA movement in an ideological sense, and how does it differ from other political currents in the USA?
The MAGA movement is a restorationist national populism that combines the desire to regain a lost state of legitimacy with the prioritization of sovereignty and the interests of its own citizens over the influence of elites. Unlike progressive movements, which are prospective and see the ideal of America in the future, MAGA is partially retrospective and seeks normative resources in the past to define the direction of the state's development.
How did the 2020 elections change the nature of political conflict in the USA?
The 2020 elections changed the nature of the conflict by shifting it from the level of disputes over values and identity to a fundamental level—the procedure for establishing legitimate power. The dispute ceased to be about specific areas of policy and instead encompassed the very source of legitimacy and the principles of accepting election results by the losing party.
Where is the line between legally challenging elections and attempting to undermine their result?
This line runs between questioning a specific rule or administrative decision and claiming that the election result was altered by fraud on a scale allowing the outcome to be reversed. Legal remedies serve to monitor procedures, whereas an attempt to undermine the result is based on a belief in systemic manipulation.
What is the 'losers' consent' mechanism and why does its absence lead to a crisis of democracy?
The 'losers' consent' mechanism consists of the defeated party accepting the fact that a legitimate procedure has granted their opponent the temporary right to govern. Its absence leads to a crisis of democracy because when every defeat is treated as evidence of systemic manipulation, elections lose their ability to resolve conflicts.
Why do MAGA supporters believe in stolen elections despite a lack of evidence?
The narrative of stolen elections allows them to avoid cognitive dissonance and maintain a belief in their own moral superiority and the correctness of their program despite formal defeat. By attributing the cause of the loss to fraud or betrayal, the group does not have to revise its opinions on its size or the leader's competence.
What was the role of the Vice President and constitutional institutions in the 2020 election certification process, and how did the system respond to the January 6th crisis?
Vice President Mike Pence determined that he did not possess the unilateral authority to reject electoral votes, which was later confirmed by the Electoral Count Reform Act of 2022, defining this function as ministerial. The system responded to the January 6th crisis by strengthening regulations to remove procedural ambiguities and by Congress returning to the vote-counting procedure that same night.
Why does a part of society still not recognize the legitimacy of elections despite the existence of verification procedures?
The lack of recognition of election legitimacy results from the mechanism of epistemic closure and the influence of political elites (elite cueing), which makes the belief in voting fraud an element of collective identity rather than an empirical hypothesis. As a result, these individuals reject evidence and verification procedures, viewing the institutions confirming the result as unreliable or hostile.
Why is changing political beliefs within the MAGA movement difficult, and what are the consequences of undermining election legitimacy for state stability?
Changing beliefs is difficult because the electoral narrative serves a loyalty function, and rejecting it entails high social, reputational, and emotional costs, as well as a change in one's relationship with their own group. Undermining the legitimacy of an opponent's victory removes the common ground of recognizing both the government and the opposition as participants in the same republic, transforming a dispute over the common good into a crisis of legitimacy.
What are the long-term consequences of challenging the legitimacy of the 2020 elections for the functioning of American democracy?
Challenging the legitimacy of elections can lead to the degradation of a shared meta-language and the loss of mechanisms that allow a democratic system to function. This threatens the emergence of two distinct visions of recognizing legitimate authority and a gradual sectionalization of the federation, in which individual states create increasingly divergent legal and axiological regimes.

🧠 Thematic Groups

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